What is Florida Amendment 2? 

Beneath the guise of “protecting” rights, this amendment would further entrench the inherently undemocratic nature of wildlife management. Across the United States, state wildlife agencies are already  a realm that both uplifts and prioritizes the beliefs of a minority viewpoint focused solely on the consumptive usage of animals and nature. 

Many organizations oppose the amendment, including the Florida Wildlife Federation, Humane Society of the United States, and the Humane Wildlife Consulting of South Florida, because they are concerned this amendment is both unnecessary and will revive practices Floridians have already voted to ban, like steel-jawed traps and gill nets . (1, 2) Perhaps worse, this amendment could threaten private property rights. Groups opposed to the amendment are concerned that the language is imprecise and might make a constitutional right to hunt supersede a person’s right to prevent hunting on their property. 

In 2021, a Kansas family, for example, told the story of how a bullet went through their home and embedded in the wall of a playroom their 2 young children often play in. (4)  But because Kansas is a state whose constitution has a ‘right to hunt’ amendment, l,this family (like so many others) was offered no legal recourse. How long will it be until one of these close calls becomes a tragedy? No family deserves to be subjected to this, and Floridians have a right to know what this amendment could entail for themselves and for their loved ones. 

Question 2, if successfully passed in Florida, would put millions of people and animals at risk. If you disagree with the idea of private property rights taking a backseat to the interests of the hunting lobby, visit https://noto2.org/ to learn more about what you can do to prevent this amendment from going forward. If you live in Florida, or know anybody who does, please share this information with them. 

References

• Amendment 2: Too Vague, Too Risky – Vote NO, Florida Wildlife Federation, 

• Amendment 2 poses a dangerous threat to Florida’s wildlife, ecosystems and private property rights, The Humane Society of the United States

• ‘There’s a blowout in the wall’: Johnson County families want reckless shooters held accountable, KSHB 41

About this post

This post is a guest post by Charlotte Cleveland, Wildlife for All intern. Charlotte is currently a biology student at Lake Forest College, where she is building a strong foundation in ecological research and sustainable conservation practices. Her academic pursuits are driven by a dedication to ethical wildlife management that integrates modern environmental values and biodiversity protection. Charlotte actively works to promote inclusive wildlife governance that balances ecological integrity with public interests and science-based policies. She aspires to contribute to wildlife conservation efforts that prioritize representation, equity, and accountability in state wildlife policies.

The term “ballot box biology” is a myth trophy hunting groups use to maintain their outsized power and influence over wildlife policy.

In recent years, the term “ballot box biology” has emerged to refer to policies and regulations put forward for voters’ consideration. Always posed in opposition to pro-wildlife changes, this framing suggests that public voting on wildlife management will ultimately spell the end of hunting. 

Digging a little deeper reveals a different story. This fear is largely propagated by trophy hunting interest groups seeking to maintain their outsized power and influence over wildlife policy, especially in state governance.  

The reality is that the gun and trophy hunting lobbies successfully used the same strategy as “ballot box biology” to pass “right to hunt” constitutional amendments that solidified their stranglehold on wildlife management in more than 20 states since 1996, beginning in Alabama. 

Understanding “Ballot Box Biology”

The false narrative that “ballot box biology” as a death knell for hunting is not only misleading but also actively harmful to the discourse around wildlife management. According to this viewpoint, decisions regarding wildlife management and hunting regulations are being undermined by direct voting and democratic input. 

 A manufactured fear from incredibly large and well-funded gun and trophy hunting organizations, this trope ignores the reality of how hunting rights are enshrined in many state constitutions. By framing public input on wildlife management as a threat, these groups seek to consolidate their influence and maintain control over policies that govern hunting practices. 

Yet this perspective ignores the robust systems already in place to protect hunting, trapping, and fishing. It’s also a distraction from the fact that public engagement can lead to more informed and responsible wildlife management decisions—not to mention a more just and democratic process to create those decisions. There is robust  research showing that democratic processes that incorporate science and values lead to more durable policies, trust in agencies, and fewer conflicts and lawsuits over wildlife policies. 

It is essential to recognize that the rhetoric surrounding “ballot box biology” often serves the interests of established trophy hunting organizations. The idea that public sentiment can lead to regulations that will ultimately end all hunting in the U.S. is a serious oversimplification that serves only to keep a base of people fearful. A fearful, riled-up base, though, is useful when you want to control the actions of a large group of people. 

We’ve seen this most recently in misleading political ads opposing Colorado Proposition 127, which end trophy hunting mountain lion, bobcat, and lynx (bobcat and mountain lions right now can be hunted for sport or fur, while the small reintroduced population of lynx are protected). 

Prop 127 presents a crucial opportunity to make wildlife protection in the state more balanced and ethical. If passed, Prop 127 would shift the focus of Colorado Parks and Wildlife (CPW) from using hunting as a primary means of population control for these big cats to a more conservation-oriented approach that respects the ecological role of native predators. 

This shift is vital for the ecosystem and to protect biodiversity. These cats play key roles in maintaining healthy habitats, and ethical wildlife stewardship demands more humane approaches to managing their populations. Additionally, the initiative includes provisions for protecting public safety and livestock, while taking these species off the list of animals that can be hunted for sport or fur.

So what’s the real issue? Trophy hunting is opposed by 76% percent of Americans. Yet hunting for the meat is supported by 84% of people. (For the record, Wildlife for All supports ethical hunting for meat and subsistence but we oppose trophy hunting and carnivore hunting categorically.)

These ballot initiatives are enacting what the American public wants to see: a protection of vulnerable species and an end to uses of animals that aren’t about feeding oneself and one’s family. Furthermore, they expose the deep hypocrisy of a special interest group that only wants to use voting at the ballot box for themselves. 

The Reality of “Right to Hunt” Amendments

The passage of “Right to Hunt” amendments in 23 states shows that these claims of “ballot box biology taking over” are disingenuous at best. It is a ploy to whip votes by seeding a group of people with the fear of losing access to an activity they cherish, even though it isn’t actually under threat. 

When the first bill was introduced in Alabama in 1996, it was described as a “solution in search of a problem.” Clearly a testing ground for this culture war, the Alabama initiative received more votes in favor than either presidential candidate that year. Are we truly supposed to believe these measures were enacted to combat a growing threat … in the deep South nearly 30 years ago?

Clearly, no. But their rhetoric also cynically exposes the core belief of these groups: that they can entrench power by using constitutional amendments while disregarding broader conservation needs, ensuring that the tool of direct voter engagement is reserved for their benefit alone.

Amending a state constitution to enshrine hunting, trapping and fishing practices reinforces a deeply problematic and inaccurate notion that these actions are fundamental rights on the level of things like free speech. Amendments to state constitutions should be rare, and designed to address issues of inequality and modernization, not protect a privilege. 

These measures are not just symbolic; they create a legal framework that prioritizes consumptive uses. They ensure that any future legislative efforts to restrict hunting for authentic conservation goals would face considerable hurdles. 

Only one “Right to Hunt” amendment has been defeated— in 2010 in Arizona—largely because it was even more poorly crafted than most, giving decision-making authority to the state legislature over the Arizona Game & Fish Department.

It seems odd that the people so concerned with passing these constitutional amendments can’t see that their own actions actually debunk the “ballot box biology” narrative that hunting is threatened by public opinion. And as states continue to affirm the right to hunt, it becomes clear that this false narrative is actually designed to protect entrenched interests rather than combating a genuine loss of hunting opportunities.

This November, a “Right to Hunt”  amendment is on the ballot in Florida. Wildlife for All has joined the coalition because this proposed amendment is unnecessary. Not only could implementing it undermine the state’s ability to manage wildlife effectively, the amendment offers no new protections since hunting is already legal in Florida. 

In fact, this amendment could actually lead to challenges in implementing ethics- and science-based wildlife conservation, which is critical for balancing ecosystems and protecting biodiversity. Moreover, prioritizing hunting rights over conservation efforts could weaken protections for nongame species, taking the state backwards in its conservation strategy. 

It’s Time Change The Conversation

Public sentiment is not inherently anti-hunting, rather, it often reflects a desire for balanced and sustainable practices that consider the well-being of ecosystems. Engaging the public in wildlife policy can result in more comprehensive approaches that benefit both wildlife and hunting communities. Instead of fostering collaboration between hunters, conservationists, and outdoor enthusiasts, we’re seeing a culture war center division and fear.

We must find ways to change this culture. It’s time to ignite conversations that prioritize the protection of ecosystems and biodiversity over special interests that seek to enshrine trophy hunting rights at the expense of true conservation. 

Engage with your community, local leaders, and wildlife organizations to advance science-based conservation through plans like your State Wildlife Action Plan. Speak out for policies that reflect the needs of entire ecosystems, not just narrow recreational pursuits for a minority of people. 

And join our movement. Together, we can foster a culture that values ecosystem science over special interests. 

The Endangered Species Act (ESA)  is to wildlife conservation what Roe v. Wade is to reproductive rights: the floor for change, not the ceiling.

Hear us out: The ESA has stopped wolves from going extinct, but because of lawmakers and agencies catering to narrow interests promoting indiscriminate killing, it has not done a great job at maintaining wolves in their role as apex predators with functional ecological densities.

Similarly, abortion activists relied for decades on Roe as a stopgap against the worst attacks against access. Yet that was false safety that let people feel secure with defense, and the movement never built power to fight growing anti-abortion narratives (especially after 2010), much less bills and lawsuits that slowly eroded Roe’s efficacy over time. 

Now, activists are working to enshrine new state laws and develop proactive ballot measures to protect—or restore—access to abortion in their states after the June 2022 Dobbs decision that removed federal protections for abortion. “Roe is the floor, not the ceiling” was a call first issued by reproductive justice activists that has become a movement rallying cry.

Wolves are a similar issue. Sadly, they are often sold out by politicians on both sides of the aisle as political bargaining chips. And those of us who care about wolves, just like people who fight for abortion access, are behind on building the ground game to protect them.

Recovery for most species is far beyond the bare minimum back-stop the ESA provides, but that is the best tool we have at the moment. Large carnivores have critical habitats that are constantly changing with climate change, agriculture and development, and trophy hunting. The ESA is the floor, not the ceiling. It can’t bring wolves back to full species recovery, and we can’t rely on its protections forever. 

“The ESA is clear: its goal is to prevent extinction, not to restore species to their pre-western settlement numbers and range,” U.S. Department of Justice attorneys wrote last month in their filing against gray wolves.

At this critical juncture, we have an opportunity to build a movement with values at its center. We need to reshape how people think about wolves and predators in general, building a culture that values their ecological roles and intrinsic value.

We also need democratically inclusive plans from states and USFWS, ones that reflect diverse public interests to protect wolves while working with the very small number of citizens who experience conflict.

On the whole, we must build an enduring movement for wolves and wildlife. We won’t sugarcoat it: this will be a long, hard slog. There are no quick fixes. 

But even when decision-makers seem to ignore our voices, we must keep speaking louder and more confidently. We demand a seat at the table. This is what the hard work of culture change is all about—co-creating new systems of governance that truly reflect diverse values, interests, and voices, whether they come from the scientific community or traditional ecological knowledge or personal experiences with wild nature.

Ultimately, relying solely on federal protections leaves wolves vulnerable. Those protections can be taken away, as we’ve seen time and again. Reforming state-level governance is the key to ensuring wolves and the ecosystems they support can thrive for generations to come. This is how we secure a lasting future for wolves—not just through litigation, but through lasting change in how states manage wildlife.

Watch our full webinar on how to create state-level change for wolves, and get involved today.